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in the history of our Saviour, than the predictions relating to him in those old prophetic writings, which were depofited among the hands of the greatest enemies to Christianity, and owned by them to have been extant many ages before his appearance. The learned Heathen converts were astonished to see the whole history of their Saviour's life published before he was born, and to find that the Evangelifts and Prophets, in their accounts of the Meffiah, differed only in point of time, the one foretelling what should happen to him, and the other defcribing those very particulars as what had actually happened. This our Saviour himself was pleased to make use of as the strongest argument of his being the promised Meffiah, and without it would hardly have reconciled his disciples to the ignominy of his death, as in that remarkable passage which mentions his conversation with the two difciples on the day of his refurrection, St. Luke xxiv. 13. to the end.

VI. The Heathen converts, after having travelled through all human learning, and fortified their minds with the knowledge of arts and sciences, were particularly qualified to examine these prophecies with great care and impartiality, and without prejudice or prepoffeffion. If the Jews, on the one fide, put an unnatural interpretation on these prophecies, to evade the force of them in their controverfies with the Christians; or if the Chriftians, on the other fide, overstrained several passages in their application of them, as it often happens among men of the best understanding, when their minds are heated with any confideration that bears a more than ordinary weight with it; the learned Heathens may be looked upon as neuters in the matter, when all these prophecies were new to them, and their education had left the interpretation of them free and indifferent. Besides, these learned men among the primitive Christians knew how the Jews who had preceded our Saviour, interpreted these predictions, and the several marks by which they acknowledged the Meffiah would be discovered, and how those of the Jewish Doctors who fucceeded him had deviated from the interpretations and doctrines of their forefathers, on purpose to stifle their own conviction.

VII. This set of arguments had therefore an invincible force with those Pagan philofophers who became Chriftians, as we find in most of their writings. They could not disbelieve our Saviour's hiftory, which so exactly agreed with every thing that had been written of him many ages before his birth, nor doubt of those circumstances being fulfilled in him, which could not be true of any perfon that lived in the world befides himself. This wrought the greatest confufion in the unbelieving Jews, and the greatest conviction in the Gentiles, who every where speak with aftonishment of these truths they meet with in this new magazine of learning which was opened to them, and carry the point fo far as to think whatever excellent doctrine they had met with among Pagan writers, had been stolen from their conversation with the Jews, or from the perufal of these writings which they had in their cuftody.

DESTRUC

DESTRUCTION OF JERUSALEM.

JOSEPHUS, with his testimony at large to the fulfilment of our Saviour's predictions concerning the deftruction of the temple, and the city of Ferufalem, and the miferies coming upon the Jewish people.

I.

HIS TIME, WORKS, AND CHARACTER.

JOSEPHUS, fon of Matthias, of the race of the Jewish Priefts,

and of the first course of the four and twenty, by his mother defcended from the Afmonean family, which for a confiderable time had the fupreme government of the Jewish nation, was born in the first year of the reign of Caligula, of our Lord 37*.

He was educated together + with Matthias, who was his own brother by father and mother, and made fuch proficience in knowledge, that when he was about fourteen years of age, the high-priests and some of the principal men of the city came frequently to him to confult him about the right interpretation of things in the law. In the fixteenth year of his age, he retired into the wilderness, where he lived three years an abstemious course of life in the company of Banus. Having fully acquainted himself with the principles of the three fects, the Pharifees, the Sadducees, and the Effens, he determined to follow the rule of the Pharisees. And being now nineteen years of age, he began to act in public life.

Felix, when procurator of Judea, sent some priests of his acquaintance for a trifling offence to Rome, to be tried before Cæfar. Josephus, hearing that they behaved well, refolved to go to Rome, to plead their cause. But he had a bad voyage; the ship was wrecked; and out of 600 persons, not more than eighty were saved. Soon after his arrival at Rome, he became acquainted with Aliturias, a Jew by birth, but a stage-player, in favour with Nero. By him he was introduced to Poppéa, the emperor's wife, by whose interest he procured that the priests should be set at liberty. Josephus, who never omits what may be to his own honour, adds, that § beside that favour, he alfo received from Poppéa many valuable presents. And then he returned home. This voyage was made, as || he says, in the 26th year of his age, which must have been in the 62d or 63d year of ** Chrift.

Upon his return to Judea he found things in great confufion, many †† being elevated with hopes of advantage by a revolt from the Ro

* Joseph. in vita fua, cap. i.

H 4

† Ἔτι δὲ παῖς ὧν, περὶ τεσσαρεσκαιδέκαλον ἔτος

+ Cap. 2.

...

mans

συνιόνων ἀεὶ τῶν ἀρχιερέων ἢ τῶν τῆς πόλιως

πρώζων ὑπὲρ τῶ παρ ̓ ἐμᾶ περὶ τῶν νομίμων ἀκριβέςεξόν τι γνῶναι. Cap. 2.

..

μεγάλων δὲ δωρεῶν πρὸς τῆ ἐυεργεσία τάυτη τυχῶν παρὰ Ποππήιας. Cap. 3.

|| Μετ ̓ εἰκοσὸν κὰ ἕκλον ἐνιαυθὸν εἰς Ρώμην μοι συνέπισεν ἀναβῆναι. Ib.

** Felix must have been removed from his government fome while before that; which may be thought to create a difficulty in this account. But it may be observed, that Jofephus had heard of the good behaviour of those priests at Rome before he left Judea: consequently, they had been some while at Rome before he fet out on his journey.

†··ὶ πολλὺς ἐπὶ τῇ Ρωμάιων ἀποσάσει μέγα φρονῦνλας. Vit. c. 4.

mans. He says he did what lay in his power to prevent it, though in vain.

Soon after the beginning of the war, in the year of Chrift 66 (when he must have been himself about thirty years of age), he was sent from Jerufalem, to command in * Galilee; where, having ordered matters as well as he could, and made the best preparations for war by fortifying the cities, in case of an attack from the Romans, he was at length shut up in the city of Jotapata; which, after a vigorous defence, and a fiege of seven and forty days, was taken by Vefpafiant, on the first day of July, in the 13th year of Nero, and the 67th of our Lord.

When that city was taken, by Vespasian's order, strict search was made for Josephus. For, if that general was once taken, he reckoned that the greatest part of the war would be over. However, he had hid himself in a deep cavern, the opening of which was not eafily difcerned above ground. Here he met with forty persons of eminence, who had concealed themselves, and had with them provifions enough for several days. On the third day the Roman soldiers seized a woman, that had been with them. She made a discovery of the place where they were. Whereupon Vefpafian sent two tribunes, inviting him to come up, with assurances that his life should be preserved. Josephus, however, refused. Vefpafian therefore fent a third tribune, named Nicanor, well known to Josephus, with the like affurances. Jofephus, after some hesitation, was then willing to furrender himself: but the men who were with him, exclaimed againft it, and were for killing him and themselves, rather than come alive into the hands of the Romans. Hereupon he made a long speech to them, shewing, that it was not lawful for men to kill themselves, and that it was rather a proof of pufillanimity than courage; but all without effect. He then proposed an expedient, which was, that they should cast lots, two by two, who should die first. He who had the second lot should kill the first; and the next, him; and so on; and the last should kill himself. It happened that Jofephus and another were preferved to the last lot. When all the rest were killed, he without much difficulty perfuaded that other person to yield up himself to the Romans. So they two escaped with their § lives.

This || has been judged to be a remarkable providence, by which Josephus was preserved to write the history of which we are now able to make so good use.

When ** Josephus had furrendered, Vefpafian gave strict orders that he should be kept carefully, as if he had intended to fend him to Nero. Josephus then presented a request, that he might speak to Vefpafian in private; which was granted. When all were difmiffed, missed, except Titus, and two friends, he spoke to Vespasian after this manner: "You * think, Vefpafian, that you have in Jose"phus a mere prisoner. But I am come to you as a messenger of " great tidings. Had I not been fent to you by God, I know "what the law of the Jews is, and how it becomes a general to die. " Do you intend to fend me to Nero? Are they, who are to fucceed "Nero before you, to continue? You, Vefpafian, will be Cæfar: " you will be emperor. So will likewise this your fon. Bind me "therefore still fafter, and referve me for yourself. For you are "Lord not of me only, but of the earth, and the fea, and all man"kind. And I for punishment deserve a closer confinement, if I " speak falsehood to you in the name of $ God." Vefpafian, as he fays, at first paid little regard to all this. But afterwards his expectations of empire were raised. " Befides," as he goes on to say, " he found Jofephus to have spoken truth upon other occafions. For " when one of his friends, who were permitted to be present at that " interview, faid, it appeared strange to him, that Josephus should " not have foretold to the people of Jotapata, the event of the " siege, nor have foreseen his own captivity, if all he now faid was " not invention to save his own life; Josephus answered, that he " had foretold to the people of Jotapata, that the place would be "taken upon the forty-feventh day of the fiege, and that himself " should be taken alive by the Romans. Vespasian having privately " inquired of the prisoners concerning these predictions, found the "truth of § them."

* Vit. cap. 7, 8. De B. J. 1. 2. c. 20.

† De B. J. 1. 3. cap. 7. Conf. cap. 8. § 9.

‡ μεγίση γὰρ ἦν μοῖρα τῷ πολέμια ληφθείς. De B. J. 1. 3. c. 8. in.

De B. J. 1. 3. c. 8. § 1... 7.

See Tillotfon's Serm. numb. 186. vol. II. p. 564.

**De B. J. 1. 3. c. 8. § 8.

All these things I have inserted here, for shewing the character of this writer; though the prolixity of my narration be thereby increased.

It is very likely that he often thought of Joseph in Egypt, and of Daniel at Babylon; and was in hopes of making a like figure at the court of Rome. But I suppose, it may be no disparagemet to Josephus, to say, that he was not equal to them in wisdom, or in virtue and integrity. And the circumstances of things were much altered. The promised Meffiah was come; and the Jewish people were no longer entitled to such special regard as had been shewn them in times past. Nor was it then a day of favour and mercy for them, but the day of the Lord's vengeance against them, as Jofephus

* De B. J. 1. 3. c. 8. § 9.

be

taken

† That is, that a Jewish general should make away with himself, rather than prifoner alive by heathen people. We know not of any fuch law in the books of the Old Testament. And it feems to be a manifest contradiction to what he says in the speech before referred to.

I Josephus's address to Vefpafian is very precise and formal, predicting things then future. Pombly, this speech was improved afterwards, and at the time of writing this hiftory made more clear and express, and more agreeable to the event, than when first spoken.

Among other presages of Vefpafian's empire, Suetonius has mentioned this of Jofephus: " Et unus ex nobilibus captivis Josephus, cum conjiceretur in vincula, conftantantiffime "affeveravit, fore, ut ab eodem brevi folveretur, verum jam imperatore." Sueton. Vefpaf. cap. 5.

Jofephus has several times spoken of his having had prophetic dreams, and of his ability to interpret dreams that were ambiguous. Vid. De B. J. 1. 3. viii. 3. et 9. et de Vit. §. 42.

sephus himself saw. And they were entering into a long captivity, of which they have not yet seen the end, after a period of almost feventeen hundred years, though they are still wonderfully pre

ferved.

Josephus was still a prisoner. But when Vespasian had been proclaimed emperor, he ordered his iron chain to be cut * afunder. When Vefpafian went to Rome, Josephus continued to be with Titus, and was present at the siege of Jerufalem, and faw the ruin of his city and country.

After the war was over, when Titus went to Rome, he went with him. And Vefpafian allotted him an apartment in the same house in which he himself had lived before he came to the empire. He alfo made him a citizen of Rome, and gave him an annual penfion, and continued to shew him great respect as long as he lived. His fon Titus, who succeeded him, shewed him the like regard. And afterwards Domitian, and his wife Domitia, did him many kind † offices.

Josephus, however, does not deny, that the had many enemies. But the emperors in whose time he lived, protected him. Indeed, it is very likely that the Jews should have little regard for a man who was with the Romans in their camp during the siege of their city. He particularly says, that § upon the first tidings of the taking of Jotapata, the people of Jerufalem made great and public lamentations for him, supposing that he had been killed in the siege; but when they heard that he had escaped, and was with the Romans, and was well used by them, they loaded him with all manner of reproaches, not excepting treachery itself. Nor do we find, that || the Jewish people ever had any great respect for his writings: though they have been much esteemed, and often quoted by Christian and ** other writers in early and later times.

Of them †† we are now to take some notice.

The first is "the History of the Jewish War," and the taking of Jerufalem, in seven books. In which work he goes back to the times of Antiochus Epiphanes, and the Maccabees. In the preface he says, that he ‡ first wrote it in the language of his own country, for the fake of fuch as lived in Parthia, Babylonia, Arabia, and other parts, and afterwards published it in Greek for the benefit of others; which is what we have. It is generally supposed to have been published by him in the 75th year of Chrift, and the 38th year of his own age. He professeth to have writ with great §§ fidelity; and for the truth of his hiftory

† Vit. cap. 76.

‡ Ibid.

* De B. J. 1. 4. cap. x. § 7. § De B. J. 1. 3. cap. ix. § 7. Quamvis enim ejus fcripta apud Judæos in nullo pretio fuerint.... Gentiles tamen pariter et Christiani Jofephum, licet Judæum, ejusque opera, magni æftimarunt. Ittig. Proleg. pag. 88. ap. Havercamp.

** Jofephus is quoted by Porphyry, not in his books against the Christians, but elsewhere. See the teftimonies prefixed to the works of Josephus.

++ Particular accounts of them are to be seen in Cave, Hift. Lit. Fabric. Bib. Gr. 1. 4. cap. 6. Tom. 3. p. 228. &c. Tillemont, La Ruine des Juifs, art. 79. &c. Hist. des Emp. Tom. i. ‡‡ De B. J. L. i. in Pro. § 2. §§ In Pr. § 5. &c. et l. 7. cap. ult. fin.

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