could be stored and kept for long periods of time the day of famine was less imminent than ever before, and men could dwell in a security seldom previously experienced. The patriarchal organization of society was influenced by this momentous economic change and now the religious prerogatives of the family group took on added significance. If men were generous to their household gods in gifts and sacrifices, then there would be bountiful harvests for man and beast. Thus, while the family may regard natural objects and forces as animated by friendly or evil spirits as before, they entertained for the soul of the departed founder of the house the stronger feeling of veneration. They thought of the ancestral spirit as their friend and protector. To the ancestral spirit, therefore, they paid their principal devotions. It was believed that the soul had need of a dwelling-place and of food and drink, for the soul that had no tomb, wandered forever as a homeless spirit, and instead of being a protecting power, it usually became a malevolent ghost.15 To secure the repose of the soul, its body must be reverently buried and a tomb prepared where food could be left and libations poured in accordance with proper ceremony. Often there was an altar within the house whereon there burned a sacred fire, extinguished only after the entire family had perished.16 Ancestor-worship reacted upon the domestic life and marriage was arranged with reference to the transmission of property and of priestly office to sons, and to the preservation of the integrity and continuity of the family group. As none but a son could properly perform the rites of the ancestral tomb, the patriarch of the house 15 Giddings, Principles, p. 291. 16 Ibid. must make sure of legitimate male offspring. The consequence was that the position of woman was regarded as inferior. In place of a personal choice in marriage she was compelled to take whatever husband chance or fortune dictated. Her initiative in household management became compulsory devotion to routine within a somewhat narrow sphere. Marriage depended upon the whim of her husband, so that she had no longer any voice in its duration. When her duties were regularly so exacting that she became prematurely old, she might be supplanted in the household by a younger wife more attractive to her husband. In this way the natural love marriage of earlier civilization yielded to one of sensuality and uncertainty. But this polygamous marriage system existed only among the wealthy and powerful. Among the masses of men monogamy was the rule, since the marriage basis had become largely economic and the maintenance of more than one wife became too expensive for the ordinary man.17 Another and darker aspect of the fierce transition from metronymic conditions to the new organization, was the enslaving of marriageable women of the conquered to become the concubines of the conquerors. With the establishment of male descent and ancestorworship, clan headships and tribal chieftainships tended to become hereditary in certain families. A continuity. of tradition and custom was formed which bound together in a compact union not only the members of the clan and of the family, but also the living with the dead. Thus there was social integration and the structure of society became more coherent and substantial. Yet the patronymic tribe in which the chieftainship had become heredi 17 Dealey, op. cit., pp. 29-30, tary soon underwent changes of organization. These changes consisted in the gradual and almost imperceptible weakening of the bond of kinship and a strengthening of the bond of personal allegiance. A barbaric feudalism slowly developed, and, step by step, this new system of social organization was substituted for the old system of kin, and a new basis for the social structure began to gain recognition. The powerful and wealthy chief obtained the admiration of his followers, and in time needed retainers to care for his large possessions. But so long as wealth consisted only of implements and weapons, game, skins, small stores of grain, baskets, pottery, and beads, and so long as relationships were metronymic,,the chieftain's wealth could never be large enough to become a source of formidable power. But when the tribe had become rich in cattle and masculine power had been firmly established through patronymic kinship and ancestor-worship, then conditions were different. Among the Kaffirs of South Africa this barbaric feudalism has been observed. The chief and his family are regarded as noble, since his wealth is the inherited cattle of his father, increased by other cattle obtained from numerous fines and confiscations levied upon his followers. 1s Among the privileges he obtains from his followers is the right to pasture his increasing herds on the outlying border of the tribal domain. To the simple tribesman his wealth seems stupendous. By dispensing favors and enriching favorites he is able to control the retinue, or court of adventurous men who come to him from all parts of the tribe, and convert them into formidable bands of retainers. 19 18 Maine, H. S.-Early History of Institutions, 1888, pp. 143-144, 19 Giddings, op. cit., p. 294. The ancient laws of the Irish show us the successive steps by which feudal relations were created in patronymic tribal society. The Brehon laws disclose that at the earliest period the chief was above all things else, a man rich in cattle and sheep. One of the laws prescribes that the head of a tribe besides being experienced, noble, and learned, must possess wealth, and be "the most powerful to oppose, the most steadfast to sue for profits and to be sued for losses." 20 It is evident from these laws that the way to chieftainship was always open through the acquisition of wealth. The tribesman who had grown rich in cattle and was striving to become a chief, was called, ao-aire," or cow-nobleman. 'ne first step in the direction of securing large possessions in the coveted oxen, was to serve some already established chief. The young, the clever, and the brave, who came to do court service to this well-known leader, received as his companions, portions of his stock and shares in the booty of marauding expeditions. The chief also extended his right of pasturage in the outlying waste to his retainers, whose own herds rapidly increased in numbers. In this struggle for wealth there were some unfortunate individuals who suffered loss and ruin. They were present in the broken and crushed men who were known in every Irish tribe as "fuidhuirs." At first this class of fuidhuirs was composed of outcasts from the clans, men who had disobeyed the clan rules and violated tribal custom. The number of fuidhuirs was increased by inter-tribal wars, in which tribes are broken up and scattered. Such ruined and outlawed men the bo-aire gathered about him on the tribal waste land as a band of rough adventur 20 Maine, op. cit., p. 134. ers, ready to follow him at any moment on marauding expeditions. In course of time these lawless bands were used by the bo-aire in committing depredations on weaker tribes and in stealing their cattle. "Deprived of all possessions, conquered tribes can then subsist only by borrowing stock back from the arrogant cow-noblemen. who thus become receivers of regular tributes and rents. 1921 Mr. Mallock calls the struggle which develops under the conditions of tribal feudalism, the struggle for domination to distinguish it from the struggle for mere existence described by Darwin. In this struggle, wealth had become an important social element and operated to differentiate the tribal population into classes. Yet the retainers of the chieftains, or the followers of these retainers, might themselves be men of any tribe, although society continued to be organized on the gentile principle. This is clear evidence that we are dealing with an intermediate stage which was neither pure tribal organization, nor yet true civil organization. The bond of union was allegiance; no question of relationship was asked; it was only necessary that they should be loyal adherents, faithful to their chosen leader and protector. "Here was a first step in that momentous change which was finally to break down tribal organization and substitute for it the civil organization of society on the basis of industrial and political association, irrespective of the limitations of blood relationship." 22 Many historical peoples have passed through the stage of rude feudalism which the Brehon laws describe.23 We 21 Giddings, op. cit., pp. 295-296. 22 Giddings, Descrip. and Hist. Soc., pp. 472-473. 23 Hopkins, E. W.-"The Social and Military Position of the Ruling Çaste in Ancient India," Jour. Amer. Oriental Society, vol. xiii, 1888, |