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the war to prevent his being driven from power, by the public clamour, which he justly dreaded, upon its not being carried on with success. But, Sir, there was no measure so likely to excite a public clamour against him, as the making a peace. If the war had heen continued, and had not been fuccefsful, we all know that the want of success in war does not imply the want of parts in the commander, much less in the minifter. The want of fuccess in war he might easily have imputed to the fault of others, or to those unforeseen but inevitable events, which so frequently disappoint the most penetrating fagacity, and invincible courage. But, for the peace, he knew he would be made answerable alone; and he knew alfo, that the almost miraculous successes of the war, had raised romantic expectations which it was impracticable to fulfil; and, therefore, that the peace, however advantageous upon rational principles, would be condemned as inadequate to these expectations. It was, however, resofiary for the nation to have peace, and expedient to make peace before a reverfe of fortune should leave fewer advantages in our power. The disgrace therefore which no other teemad.willing to incur, by rendering this neceffary and important, though unpopular fervice, to his country, he voluntarily drew upon himelt, and facrificed to the pleasure of doing good, that, for which only the pleasure of doing good can compenfate. The honourable gentleman has waved an enquiry into the fuccess of this minister's project, with respect to himself: but I think, in juffice to his much injured character, it should be known. - When he had effected the great work in which he engaged, with that quiet fortitude, and that patient perfeverance which are the characteristics of a good confcience and a great mind; when the fstorm which had been raised againft him was, in a great measure, spent by its own violence; when no new exigency of state could have been made an occafion of exciting new clamour, he quitted the poft that had been fo much envied, and parted with the power which the public caufe no longer made it neceflary for him to exen.'

Sir W-M-defined that the addresses of the commons on the peace of Ryfwick, Utrecht, and Aix-la-Chapelle, might be read, to shew, that the words honourable and advantageous, were always inferted: he then fpoke in defence of the ability and integrity of the late prime minifter; and concluded by saying, that the nation was happy, not only in the peace, but the peace-maker, and that the only drawback upon that happiness, was, its not thinking fo.

Mr. E-S-P. then moved, that the question might be put, that the confideration of that matter might be adjourned till the first Monday after the Christmas receis: and faid, that as a change of affairs on the other side of the water, had made them think of an address now, which they did not think of at the be. ginning of the feffion, it might happen, that before the time of refuming the subject, another change might induce them not to think of it at all.

The question being then put for the adjournment, it paffed in the negative.

Mr. P-then moved, that the words, ' we are truly thankful to his Majesty for the honourable and advantageous peace, which his Majesty, through his great wisdon, and paternal concern for his lubjects, hath happily concluded for the benefit of his kingdoms,' be expunged from the address.

Mr. W-Н—. • Not to enter into the dispute concerning the merits of the peace, or the peace-maker, I think the address proposed is improper at this time, whatever it might have been before: and I think so, because it cannot do now, what it would have done before. To do right is certainly the best way of attoning for having done wrong: but, in this cafe, presenting an address is not doing right. With respect to us, it would be inconfiftent and absurd; and it would not even be a compliment to government. It could not be supposed to express our sentiments, because, if we had thought of the peace, as we are made to fay we do, in this address, we certainly should have mentioned it in our address on the speech from the throne, when we could not but fee, that something of this kind was expected: and, if it cannot be supposed to express our sentiments, it can anfwer no purpose, but to shew, that we are puppets, actuated from without; which can never do us credit, nor the peace honour. In short, allowing the peace to be the best that ever was made, we shall, in fact, only shew, that fomething should have been done, which was not done. I have heard of a military officer, in a certain country, who enlifted the parish-clerk, and, on the review-day, all the company fired at the fame time, with great order and dexterity, except the clerical recruit, who, a confiderable time after the reft, fired by himself. If he had not fired at all, nobody would have remarked his neglect; but firing singly, and out of time, he betrayed himself and the officer being greatly offended, Sirrah, fays he, striking him on the shoulder, What do you mean by your AMEN shot? I should be forry, Sir, to have this story applied to us; and yet we shall give so fair an occafion, by the address now proposed, that I think every gentleman who has the honour of the house at heart, should be against it. The parts of the address, too, are fo oddly jumbled together!-In one paragraph, a traitorous libel; and in the next, an honourable peace, that they put me in mind of another story; "A lady who had not the fairest skin in the world, employed a limner to draw her picture, but she defired that a little negro girl, who waited upon her, should be painted

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painted with her; doubtless, that the colour of the negro's skin might set off her own." I confess I should be forry to hear the fame artifice imputed to this house, and yet, I know not how we shall avoid it, if this address be presented. In whatever light I view this address, it puts me in mind of some flory; if I confider it, as intended to reconcile factions in England, and give a check to popular clamour, the ignorant vanity of this design appears to me as ridiculous as that of a filly justice in the great rebellion, who, hearing that Cromwell was in the neighbourhood with thirty thousand men, and that the royal army was not far off, fent out the parish-conftables to keep the peace. In a word, Sir, I am of opinion, that we should not appear to think more of ourselves, than our neighbours think of us. we intermeddle officicufly with respect to this peace, we may, for ought I know, be made to intermeddle, more than we are willing, in the next war. Let us leave the confideration of thefe matters to our betters, who have not asked us to confider them, nor enabled us so to do. Let us keep our little skift out of the storm, if we can, and thew our dexterity by steering clear of the rocks. I am forry to say, that fome gentlemen seem to enquire where the rocks lie, in order to steer upon them. We have heard a request, that the addresses on the treaties of Ryfwick, Utrecht, and Aix la Chapellc, may be read, in order that our prefent address may be like them. I am forry to find that any thing relative to those treaties should be proposed for our imitation; and cannot but think very ill of any address, that is to keep fuch bad company."

Mr. J-H-H- and the Right Hon. W-H-F-spoke for the address, and brought many arguments to prove the pernicious tendency of libels, and the great advantages of the Mr. H. F. then faid, that he was much surprised to Lear the general fenfe of a nation ftigmatized with the name of a factious and turbulent disposition. It was from the voice of the people, he faid, that he and every gentleman in that house derived their legiflative capacity, and that their constituents had an undoubted right to their attention; that the first effects of bad meafures always fell upon the people, and therefore the people were naturally the first to complain; and that though he was the greatest enemy to licenticusness and rior, yet to popular complaints, however spirited, he was a friend. An attention to these complaints, he faid, and a redress of the grievances that produced them, was the only way of preventing licentioufnefs and rior, which was confiftent with a ftate: for to enforce bad measures by an exertion of the very power that was intrusted with government for rendering good measures efficacious, was the worst of tyranny. Nothing could more radically ftrike at the natural rights of mankind, than first to oppress them; then by refusing to redress their grievances, compel them to attempt redressing themselves; and, finally, making that attempt a pretence of subjecting them to new evils, under the specious profeffion of punishing a seditious and turbulent fpirit. As to the subject in debate, he faid, the popular opinion was certainly against the peace; and it was equally certain that this popular opinion was the opinion of the houle two months ago. What had happened to change that opinion, he faid, he could not guess, any more than what should induce them to make a declaration contrary to their opinion, fuppofing it not to be changed: so that the address was equally a mystery to him, whether it was, or was not, supposed to be fincere. He said that what he knew to have happened, during the last two months, rather tended to confirm than destroy the opinion of the peace, which was then adopted by the house, for that the stocks had fallen, and he always confidered them as the true barometer of public credit. He hoped, therefore, that gentlemen would take this occafion to shew, that as they were free to form opinions contrary to minifterial measures, they had firmness to abide by them, and to appear to abide by them in oppofition to minifterial influence, and to the disappointment of ministerial arts.

The question being then put, upon Mr. P-'s motion, for expunging the paragraph, which contained thanks for the peace as advantageous and honourable, it passed in the negative.

A motion was then made, and the question put, that an amendment be made to the motion for the address, by inserting between the words constitution and that, these words and at the same time to express our general fatisfaction and joy at seeing the principles of liberty vindicated and maintained, and the rights of the fubject protected from the invasion of power, by the just determination and spirited conduct of one of his Majesty's judges, and of an English jury.'

It passed in the negative.

Then the proposed question for an address being put, it passed in the affirmative.

On Monday Jan. 23, the fiftieth day of the feffion, Sir Wm. Ofborne moved, that an order should be issued requiring the registers of the several dioceses in the kingdom to make a return of the names of the non-refident beneficed clergymen of the refpective parishes of their dioceses. Upon which Mr. Mr. J一 H--spoke as follows:

Mr. S- I beg leave to propose, as an amendment of the order, that an addition may be made, to the following effect: "Such clergymen who have not proper accommodations in their own parishes, and who live only at such a distance as to be able to fulfil their parochial duties; and such as having more : benefices

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benefices than one, reside on any one of their benefices, not to be deemed non-resident." My reason for the amendment, Sir, is to prevent undeserved censure, from falling upon the cloth: for as I think neglect of duty, in the facred function, one of the greatest crimes that can be committed, I should be forry to have it imputed to those who are not guilty. I must, however, farther declare, that though I think the motion well intended, and would most heartily concur in any measure for compelling the clergy to perform a duty so important as that of their calling, and for which, no less than a tenth part of the natural produce of the kingdom is allotted them; yet, I think, it is ill-timed, and that our concurrence in the motion at this time, would be productive of greater evil, than it is intended to remove. universally allowed, Sir, that the commotions in the north have been principally directed against the clergy: and the general contempt into which they are fallen at this critical time, is too notorious to stand in need of proof; and as it is of the utmost importance to discourage these commotions, and support the clergy against this contempt, I think we ought, by no means, to lay any of them under the public censure of this house, though they have not refided on their livings; nor even to enquire whether they have resided on their livings or not, before. our cenfure has fallen upon the licentious and daring afsociations, that have been entered into against them. I, therefore, humbly propose that the confideration of this question be postponed till we have received the report of the committee, ap-, pointed to enquire into the northern insurrections, and pasled our cenfure accordingly.'

Sir Wm. Ofborne. - Mr. S-, as I cannot be supposed to have any intention of cenfuring those clergy for non-refidence, who either are resident, or would be refident if they could, I think I need say nothing to defend my motion against the defect which the honourable gentleman has been so good as to supply.. But against the charge of its being ill-timed, I can irrefragably defend it, by the very arguments which have been brought to fupport the charge. It has been faid that the clergy are fallen into contempt, and that they have been the principal object of the rifings in the north, and that for these reasons no enquiry should be now made into their conduct, nor any censure passed upon it, fuppofing it to have been worthy of censure. Now, Sir, I draw consequences directly contrary from the same premises. If they have fallen into contempt, and become so odious as to be oppofed, even at the risk of life, it is, furely, high time for us, to enquire whether these evils are not the effects of their own conduct; and if it appears that they have neglected their duty, the most effectual way to establish their credit, is to oblige them to fulfil it. It has been faid that we ought first to proceed